PUZZLE AFGANO
Marco Lombardi, Puzzle afghano
Abstract
Afghanistan is a Crossroads (Caspani E., Cagnacci E., Afghanistan crocevia dell’Asia, Vallardi 1951): a plural place of multiple objects that intersect, approach, contaminate, detach, conflict: a constant morphogenetic process that never allows detecting a stable form that favors some predictability of future forms.
Afghanistan has always been a puzzle, whose recomposition cannot be inspired by the figure on the box that contains its pieces.
Unfortunately, this is evident every time the transient form, characterizing that historical period, fragments to prepare for a new configuration, opening a long period of uncertainty and causing serious damage to the objects that had characterized the stability of the previous period.
Afghan was always a puzzle, for all those who have crossed the Khyber Pass.
Precisely for this reason, we have decided to publish in this issue of the magazine a series of articles, even short ones, each of which wants to be a piece of the larger puzzle. Please be careful that we are not proposing a vision (the guide image printed on the game box) but we are beginning to make pieces available to favor a future logic, always reviewable, that can compose them in some form.
It is however understandable that the pieces offered are not thrown home in the box, but underlie an interpretative background that emerges by some considerations.
These are the events that led to the surrender of Kabul – not its fall – whose effects were already written.
It could not be otherwise.
But it could have been different.
I don’t think it’s possible to predict future Afghanistan right now, but I think it’s useful to collect the pieces of the puzzle and try to put them together in a design capable of redefining itself at the entrance of each subsequent new piece.
It is in this spirit that we offer the first pieces of the game with the following articles.
Keywords
Afghanistan, conflicts, scenario analysis
Abstract
With most international press reporting after August 2021 being focused on “fall of Kabul”, it should be noted that it will be those who carry on in the region as neighbors that need to deal with Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, and not as much those who left. With centuries of foreign conquest that attempted to subdue Afghanistan and its people, the most impactful in the past 50 years will remain both the decade long Soviet occupation of the land and US presence that lasted 20 years and ended abruptly two months ago.
Uzbekistan, as the most populous country of the Central Asian region, has had a special relationship – either to, or with Afghanistan – as the Uzbek SSR it was a preparatory ground for Soviet troops commencing its occupation in 1979. Then, throughout the occupation period it kept functioning as a military base through which the Soviet armed forces entered and exited Afghanistan.
The article examines Uzbekistan’s exposure to Islamic extremism throughout its 30 years of independence, as well as historical traits that shaped the future interrelation with more religiously fundamental neighbors. The country may have kept away from the open civil conflict that became widespread in other parts of the ex-Soviet area, but was not immune to attempts (albeit relatively sporadic) to topple its secular regime by radical elements originating either within homeland, or in its immediate vicinity.
The origins and growth of Taliban movement in Afghanistan are intertwined with many of the extremist events taking place within Uzbekistan after 1990, and an scholastic attempt is being made at assessing the current potential reach of both Taliban as a cultural-religious phenomenon as well as the multiple radical elements flourishing inside Afghanistan to neighboring region, in particular Uzbekistan.
Con la maggior parte dei servizi giornalistici internazionali dopo l’agosto 2021 incentrati sulla “caduta di Kabul”, va notato che saranno coloro che continuano nella regione come vicini a dover affrontare l’Afghanistan controllato dai talebani, e non tanto quelli che se ne sono andati. Con secoli di conquiste straniere che hanno tentato di sottomettere l’Afghanistan e il suo popolo, il più impattante negli ultimi 50 anni rimarrà sia la decennale occupazione sovietica della terra e la presenza statunitense che è durata 20 anni e si è interrotta bruscamente due mesi fa.
L’Uzbekistan, in quanto paese più popoloso della regione dell’Asia centrale, ha avuto un rapporto speciale, con o con l’Afghanistan – come Repubblica socialista sovietica uzbeka era un terreno preparatorio per le truppe sovietiche che iniziavano la sua occupazione nel 1979. Poi, per tutto il periodo di occupazione, ha continuato a funzionare come base militare attraverso la quale le forze armate sovietiche entravano ed uscivano dall’Afghanistan.
L’articolo esamina l’esposizione dell’Uzbekistan all’estremismo islamico durante i suoi 30 anni di indipendenza, così come i tratti storici che hanno plasmato la futura interrelazione con i vicini più religiosamente fondamentali. Il Paese potrebbe essersi tenuto lontano dal conflitto civile aperto che si è diffuso in altre parti dell’area ex-sovietica, ma non fu immune da tentativi (sebbene relativamente sporadici) di rovesciare il suo regime laico da parte di elementi radicali originari o della patria, o nelle sue immediate vicinanze.
Le origini e la crescita del movimento talebano in Afghanistan sono intrecciate con molti degli eventi estremisti che si sono verificati in Uzbekistan dopo il 1990, e si sta facendo un tentativo scolastico di valutare l’attuale potenziale portata dei talebani come fenomeno culturale-religi-oso così come i molteplici elementi radicali che fioriscono all’interno dell’Afghanistan nella regione vicina, in particolare l’Uzbekistan.
Keywords
Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Taliban, Radicalism, Regional Security, Threat to Homeland
Luca Cinciripini, Il nuovo governo talebano, tra interessi locali e minacce internazionali
Abstract
Il varo del nuovo governo a guida talebana è stato a lungo considerato il primo banco di prova per valutare le prossime mosse dei nuovi padroni dell’Afghanistan nei confronti della comunità internazionale. Secondo numerosi osservatori, infatti, un’eventuale presa di distan-za dalla galassia estremista e terroristica avrebbe potuto segnalare l’intenzione dei Talebani di perseguire la strada del dialogo e del riconoscimento internazionale. Tuttavia, attraverso un’attenta lettura della composizione del nuovo esecutivo si rileva un forte elemento di continuità con la leadership talebana che guidò il Paese fino alla caduta del regime nel 2001. In aggiunta, i ruoli di primo piano conferiti a figure legate a doppio filo al mondo del terrorismo, come nel caso dei leader del clan Haqqani, segnala quanto i legami tra il nuovo establishment talebano e il jihadismo restino estremamente saldi. Si rileva, in aggiunta, l’innovativo utiliz-zo di argomentazioni giuridiche nel richiamare presunte violazioni di accordi internazionali da parte degli USA, segnalando un salto di qualità nelle strategie talebane e confermando il crescente peso del lawfare nel quadro dei conflitti ibridi. Infine, il coinvolgimento di attori regionali e internazionali nella formazione del governo è destinato a incidere sulle prossime mosse dell’esecutivo afgano, con inevitabili ricadute su un’area di crisi dotata di proiezione non solo locale bensì globale.
Keywords
Afghanistan, Haqqani, Talebani, governo afgano
Daniele Plebani, Islamic State – Khorasan: “Fotografia in movimento” post 26 agosto 2021
Abstract
Quanto avvenuto in Afghanistan nell’agosto 2021 ha segnato la fine di un’era militare e una svolta nella politica regionale e internazionale. Il ritiro della coalizione e l’avanzata dei Talebani verso Kabul sono state quasi adombrate da un terzo attore, IS-Khorasan, il quale è riuscito a porre la propria firma su questo crocevia storico e che potenzialmente può essere la base per una nuova epopea del gruppo nella regione. Proprio in Afghanistan, uno dei paesi dove IS ha subito maggiori perdite, potrebbe partire la scintilla per infervorare ancora una volta i propri adepti in tutto il globo e riproporsi quale competitor per la primazia della galassia jihadista.
Keywords
islamic state, khorasan, terrorismo, Talebani, Kabul
Abstract
Per i Talebani una “forza speciale” è un soggetto per natura ibrido e la Badri Force 313 rappre-senta uno degli esempi più chiari ed espressivi di tale concezione. Lo stesso nome Badri 313 è stato attribuito a diverse unità militari appartenenti alle forze Talebane. La prima unità nota come Brigata 313 rappresentava un’unità suicida d’élite connessa alle cellule qaidiste presenti nel paese. Con l’evolversi del conflitto la strategia mediatica portata avanti dagli esponenti del Haqqani network si è modificata e con essa anche l’impiego delle forze speciali. Alla presa di Kabul è stata infatti notata la presenza di unità militare denominata Badri Battalion 313 e poi Badri Force 313, altamente addestrata e ben equipaggiata, impiegata come forza di sicurezza. Ripercorrendo la storia e l’evoluzione delle unità note come Badri 313 è stato possibile oss-ervare un utilizzo combinato di strategie mediatiche e impiego di forze speciali.
Keywords
Haqqani, Talebani, Badri 313, Forze Speciali, Propaganda
Marco Zaliani, La reazione dell’ecosistema digitale della destra alla vittoria talebana
Abstract
La ritirata americana dall’Afghanistan ha scatenato molteplici reazioni negli ambienti estrem-isti online. Uno dei più recettivi all’evento è stato sicuramente l’ambiente della destra estrema. Diverse sue frange hanno infatti sfruttato l’eco mediatico della vittoria talebana per proporre chiavi di lettura diverse a seconda dell’ideologia di riferimento. Partendo dall’etno-nazionalismo, passando per l’anti-establishment e il complottismo fino ad arrivare alle ideologie incel e al conservatorismo. Nonostante le apparenti differenze inconciliabili, l’estrema destra e i gruppi jihadisti pre-sentano affinità sia ideologiche che operative. Queste vicinanze hanno infatti permesso una reciproca ispirazione ed emulazione da parte di gruppi di estrema destra e jihadisti, accomuna-ti da nemici comuni, tattiche comunicative analoghe e logiche pro-violenza.
Keywords
Afghanistan, Talebani, estrema destra, comunicazione, ideologia
Giacomo Buoncompagni, The Role of Technology and “Infodemic” in The New Afghan Crisis
Abstract
Unlike twenty years ago, the Taliban no longer suffer from ‘technophobia’. They have learned that communication (and information overload) are crucial in their battle for power, and the recent takeover of Kabul has shown us that. The Taliban conquest was carried out with weap-ons, AK-47s, M-16s, and also with state-of-the-art smartphones (Alonso 2021; Stengel 2021). A power struggle where the time factor and technology, accompanied by an almost silent construction of the communication strategy (public and digital), have been the two real weapons of Taliban success and Western failure. In the 1990s, the Taliban rejected any form of progress and any kind of technological aspects, including access to the Internet. However, after taking Kabul, they are fascinated by the gymnasium of the presidential palace, participate in the international press and some of the leaders do not hide their Apple Watch (Mozart, ur-Rehman 2021). The Taliban have deployed their weapons of media seduction in an attempt to reassure the international community, not hiding their communication skills and technological read-iness and trying to rebuild their reputation in the digital public space, countering the news overload produced by the Western media with distorted information. Through the study and qualitative analysis of international press sources and available scientific literature, the main socio-historical and socio-communicative aspects concerning the communication and strategic use of the media by the Taliban leaders in Afghanistan will be analyzed.
Keywords
social media, Taliban, infodemic, terrorism, Kabul, Afghanistan
LA RIDEFINIZIONE DELLO SCENARIO DI MINACCIA
Abstract
Negli anni a venire la pandemia del Covid-19 avrà notevoli ripercussioni sull’economia e sull’ordine internazionale. In l’Italia essa ha fatto emergere le fragilità e le criticità del tessuto economico-produttivo nazionale ovvero la mancanza di una cultura geoeconomica che renda il Paese resiliente in un contesto globale permeato dai conflitti di quinta generazione. Per difendere le aziende strategicamente importanti in una fase di debolezza sistemica, l’Italia ha dato una risposta emergenziale, di tipo passivo, con l’aggiornamento della cosiddetta norma-tiva golden power. Qualora questo strumento venisse coordinato con un approccio maggior-mente attivo, basato sull’istituzionalizzazione di un sistema di intelligence economica, l’Es-ecutivo fornirebbe il sistema-Paese gli strumenti adatti a facilitare la formazione di una nuova dinamica di sviluppo migliorandone le capacità di reazione e di competitività a livello globale. Il cambio di postura internazionale dell’Italia è reso urgente a causa dal ventennale ritardo nella comprensione delle esternalità positive originate dai sistemi d’intelligence economica stranieri e per il moltiplicarsi della dinamicità geopolitica a livello globale.
Keywords
intelligence economica, golden power, sicurezza, Covid-19
Abstract
With the advent of information technologies (IT) and the birth of a fifth dimension of conflict, nation states are called upon to face a growing and diverse number of real and current threats. The dual-use nature of information technologies, the lowering of the access threshold to military capabilities determined by the potentiality of the network, the growing digital protectionism manifested by the great powers and the inversely proportional relationship between computerization and security in modern societies, force governments to build and implement cybernetic architectures able to protect society and Operators of Essential Services (OES) from threats coming from the ubiquitous and pervasive front of cyberspace. In Italy, with the National Strategic Framework for the security of cyberspace, some important steps in this direction have been accomplished, which then resulted in the formulation of the National Plan for cyber protection and cybersecurity, in the implementation of the European NIS directive and in the establishment of a national Computer Security Incident Response Team (Italian CSIRT).
Keywords
cybersecurity, national Security, cyber Strategy, information technologies, cyberspace, cyber-war, sicurezza informatica, sicurezza nazionale, architettura cibernetica, spazio cibernetico, informatizzazione, guerra cibernetica
Abstract
Ransomware attacks are now the greatest threat to critical infrastructure. These threat actors block data and/or IT systems of the infrastructures and then make the description key available only upon payment of a ransom, in Bitcoin or Monero. The case of the attack on the health system of the Lazio Region is perhaps the most famous in the Italian panorama but certainly not the most dangerous. The consequences are not limited only to business aspects but can evolve into forms of digital warfare between nations, new forms of political persuasion, or even new forms of extortion racket available to criminal organizations.
There are several ways in which you can respond to these cyber attacks: from defense mechanisms on data retention on backup, or you can simply give in to the requests of the attackers or even try to negotiate, trying to understand if the attackers are actually in possession of the decryption keys, up to the common strategies between public and private, even transnational, which aim to improve the sharing of information and defense mechanisms. This last strategy would be the one to be favored since the infrastructures are crucial for the functioning of the States.
Keywords
intelligence economica, golden power, sicurezza, Covid-19
Daniele Maria Barone, Anti-establishment: demand and supply
Abstract
In audience-driven contexts, believing passionately in a set of values or a cause is an asset. In borderline cases, this emotional context can facilitate, deliberately or not, the adoption of single-minded visions for solving problems and changing society, leveraging on uncertainty instead of focusing on objective criteria, promoting the categorization of social groups through the paradigm of “us and them”.
This highly emotional narrative has proven to be a versatile vector for extremist discourse, able to overlap the ideological aspect and connect divergent views.
The adaptive features of this rhetoric allowed its pervasiveness from violent extremist circles to opaque communication contexts, becoming a transversal boundary-spanning tool for different social segments. Thus, the propagation of a communication phenomenon, rooted in social structural changes as globalization, educational and cultural divisions, increased polarization between prosperous and less developed regions, tech giants self-regulation, political or religious dissatisfaction.
With these premises, this paper is aimed at analyzing how polarized rhetorics, adapting to an ever-evolving social set of values, can insinuate in some non-extremist contexts and understand how their exploitation by various actors can incentivize the spread of anti-establishment views or beliefs.
Keywords
Anti-establishment, disinformation, conspiracy theories, extremism
PENSARE IL TERRORISMO
Riccardo Micheletti, Terrorismo e morale. La posizione israeliana alla luce dell’operazione Entebbe
Abstract
There is a deep connection between the fight against terrorism and moral; a connection that represents the precondition necessary to “every” sort of effective contrast to the phenomenon. That concept emerged clearly during the international conference that took place in Washington by Jonathan Institute, in June 1984. In this convention, where authorities of the most diverse disciplines were invited to report (jurists, philosophers, historics, journalists and strategic studies experts), the experts tried to provide the guests some effective “tools”, drawn to lighten up the complex phenomenon of international terrorism. «However as a premise to all these means», pointed out during the conference Benjamin Netanyahu, that is the one who became multiple times Israel’s Prime Minister, there had to be an assurance, «the moral belief that terrorism, in any shape or pretext», it was «an inexcusable evil». The moral subsidence, an “ambiguous” position, not evident towards terrorism phenomenon, could only strengthen, in the eyes of terrorists, the idea of an intrinsic “weakness” of free peoples.
According to Netanyahu, in front of the threat of terrorism it was necessary to respond by practicing the moral virtue of courage, not only at a military level, but also at all levels of society, particularly at a political and civil level. During Operation Entebbe (military action performed in the hinterland of Eastern Africa, in the night between 3 and 4 July 1976, that rescued 103 hostages, mainly Israelis, and members of Air Force 139’s flight crew, hijacked by four terrorists), such virtue was wield exemplarily concerning the political aspect (in the first place by Yitzhak Rabin, Prime Minister of the state of Israel at the time), the military one (by Lieutenant Colonel Jonathan Netanyau, dead during the operation), and indirectly by Israel’s civil society, historically trained, in every aspect, to actively react to the ceaseless threats of terrorism. After Operation Entebbe’ success, no plane that took off or landed in the state of Israel was ever hijacked again.
Keywords
Terrorismo, Morale, Entebbe, Relazioni internazionali
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